PROFESSOR X. ON PRESTIGIOUS ASSOCIATIONS AND SECRET SOCIETIES
“Every compulsion is put upon writers to become safe, polite, obedient, and sterile. In protest, I declined election to the National Institute of Arts and Letters some years ago, and now I must decline the Pulitzer Prize. ” -Upton Sinclair
“It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that a great part of Europe – the whole of Italy and France and a great portion of Germany, to say nothing of other countries – is covered with a network of these secret societies, just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with rail-roads.” -Benjamin Disraeli (Earl of Beaconsfield),July 14, 1856
In preserving and protecting our grasp on nations we must exert veiled control of all major opinion molding associations and especially prestigious clubs which attract the leaders in various fields and do so much to influence the dispensing of commanding positions in government and business. Associations of the leading scholars, businessmen, writers, religionists, artists, bureaucrats, newsmen, ideologists, publishers, broadcasters, and professional men as well as special interest groups representing laborers, farmers, consumers, racial minorities, and so on must be subtly kept under the broad limits of our sway.
Since membership dues and fees are never sufficient to support their ambitious ac tivities, voluntary, non-profit organizations are easy prey for the nearly unlimited financial resources of our entourage. However, our real motive, to further our political and econo mic power, must not be revealed in the process. Our policies must be laboriously rationalized in terms compatible with prevalent ideologies and moralities or the material advantage of the groups involved. Leaders of such groups are remarkably quick to accept our rationalizations when financial support is extended.
We engage in outright bribery only as a last resort, and then, only in extreme cases. Our long-range interests are better served by temporarily postponing a policy victory than by risking exposure of our power by attempting outright bribery. In fact, clumsy bribery and intimidation attempts are characteristic of our foolish nouveau riche opponents.
As an example, if we decide that federal rather than state chartering or licensing of corporations would further our control over the economy, we would not simply order politicians and opinion leaders to support our desires. Corporations not relishing central control would be suspicious that something was afoot and might expose our plot. Our strategy would be as follows:
1. Sacrifice one of our less competent management teams in a well-publicized corporate scandal in order to focus attention on the “widespread problem of corporate corruption under current, lax regulations.”
2. Through well-funded agents, thrust into the publicity spotlight intellectuals or groups who already support federal licensing as a piecemeal step toward socialism. (One can find pre-existing supporters for nearly any measure with sufficient effort.)
3. After the issue is before the public, offer to support through foundations the “objective” study of the federal licensing proposals being discussed with an eye toward proposing legislation. Often, simultaneous support for studies by disreputable, irrational groups who will oppose the proposal is useful as well. Provide no platform for well- reasoned opposition.
4. When a ground swell of support appears to be building provide the interested lobbying organizations with plenty of funds to grease the palms of politicians. The enactment of the federal licensing law thus appears as the will of society. Last ditch opposition automatically appears mean spirited, obstructionist, reactionary, and paranoid, serving only to discredit our opposition.
In our fully developed system of finance capitalist thought control and promotion control, our hierarchy of prestigious associations is capped by a single prestige society: The Council of World Affairs. This organization is a front for the secret society of which your father is head. This secret society is made up of the people who have spoken, plus six others not present. You are replacing Professor Q. who is to retire shortly. Eventually you will replace your father. We thirteen are your father’s advisors and only confidants. All other agents are misled as to the bulk of our objectives and motives. Their knowledge is restricted to the details required by their assignments. The penalty for disloyalty is death.
The Council is invaluable for propagating our policy decisions to our entourage without revealing our motives and strategy. In many instances, policy can be successfully sold to our entourage and thus transmitted to the multitudes by merely airing it along with appropriate rationalizations in a single awe-inspiring session of the Council. The informal power of the Council is such that our policy manipulations are usually attainable without the clumsy exercises in brute power that invariably snag the independent power seekers. The Council is at the heart of what is called the Establishment and we are at the heart of the Council.
At the Council’s inception, we worked hard to attract the successful of all fields with all the prestige that our money power could buy. We had to work hard convincing the independent, self-made Council members to move in harmony with our policy objectives. We had many failures. Now everything is changed. Membership is no longer a reward for success as much as it is a prerequisite for major success. Without Council membership only the most outstanding can achieve national prominence. With membership, glaring mediocrities, with the “right” attitudes, achieve prominence. In fact, mediocrities are much more adapted to propagating our policy rationalizations and less likely to detect and oppose our ulterior motives. A power lusting mediocrity is not likely to judge his benefactors too harshly or inquire diligently into the nature of the power structure that brought him what he fears was undeserved success. The vanity of even idealistic, committed humanitarians militates against such a course.
The Council is now a giant employment agency of loyalists ready to parrot our public line from the commanding posts of government, foundations, broadcasting, industry, banking, and publishing. Although Council members are encouraged to take sides and bicker over the diversionary issues we create to entertain and enfeeble the populace, their solidarity in defending our power structure, root and branch, when pressed is a sight to behold! And to think that most see themselves as righteous defenders of the public good while they dismiss whispered rumors of our power structure as “kooky paranoia.”
Classical secret societies with elaborate circles within circles no longer play a major role in finance capitalist power structures. Most wide membership secret societies have degenerated into middle class excuses for escaping the wife and kids once a month for the company of men. But secret societies were a major weapon of our bourgeoisie forebearers in their struggle with the old feudal order of kings and princes. Under authoritarian despotism of the old style, the secret society was the only place a free thinking man could express himself. Through threats of exposure, loyalty oaths, patronage, deception, and rewards we bound such malcontents into a fierce force for our revolution. The multitude of degrees, occult mumbo-jumbo, and vague humanitarianism concealed the real goals of our secret societies from the bulk of the membership. The roles of the “Illuminated” Masonic Lodges in European revolutions were decisive in our final victory over the old order.
I now yield the floor to Professor Y . who will discourse on the real “secret societies” the Modern Finance Capitalist State: the National Security Institutions and Intelligence Agencies.
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